By David Coates
This booklet brings jointly in a single position the liberal and conservative arguments that face the Republican and Democratic events within the run-up to the 2008 election. In every one bankruptcy, David Coates lays out the preferred conservative case after which offers a point-by-point liberal reaction. every one bankruptcy demanding situations right-wing methods of framing the difficulty and pulls dialogue again into the civilized middle of yank politics. The resources and proof maintaining either conservative and liberal arguments are indexed in endnotes and built extra totally on an linked web publication site.
A Liberal device equipment is helping to redress the conservative bias within the approach information and arguments are more often than not suggested. Coates argues that conservative media retailers are presently extra robust and diverse than liberal ones, contending that conservative arguments are usually provided extra in actual fact than their much less simplistic, extra nuanced liberal choices. during this ebook, he offers the complexities of the conservative arguments whereas whilst clarifying liberal positions in basic, daily language, so leveling the enjoying field.
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Extra resources for A Liberal Tool Kit: Progressive Responses to Conservative Arguments
3 The tax code in the United States is said to have grown into such a monster that no one can now operate legally within it without the help of a growing army of tax specialists and without surrendering to the government ever-larger quantities of private information that no public agency should possess. ’’6 The most effective way to generate output and employment is simultaneously to ease the tax burden on consumers and companies. The goal of tax policy should be ‘‘to minimize the impediments to the behaviors—work, saving, investment and entrepreneurship—that generate production and income.
By relocating taxes from income to goods, a flat tax would shift the burden of taxation downward—away from the rich on to middle America and on to the working poor. If that shift is not to be too excessive, government programs would also have to be cut on a very large scale and that would be a second hit on the poorest and the least privileged in the United States. Defense spending—and the flow of tax dollars to the firms wallowing in the corporate welfare of the arms industry—would not take the bulk of the reformer’s knife.
The more Libertarian elements within the Republican coalition, however— those closer to the Cato Institute—are less comfortable with state orchestration of marriage vows than are those close to the Heritage Foundation. They remain convinced that even the 1996 reform failed to reduce out-of-wedlock births on any significant scale. Nor did it enable welfare recipients to become selfsustaining. They don’t believe that even Republican-inspired welfare reforms can ever adequately do either of those things.